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Theses of the speech of Pavel Latushka, Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management  At the conference ‘The Future of Belarus’ during the panel discussion — ‘Democratic Opposition in Belarus and in Exile — How Diplomats May Help’. 10.01.2025, Warsaw Unexpected? But let me explain why I pose this question. As a Belarusian politician, I often hear the question about the future of Belarus – at meetings with partners, at conferences, and so on. My answer is always the same: the future of Belarus must be democratic and European. This is not just a wish, but a question of strategy — a security strategy for Europe, where the war that Russia and Lukashenko’s regime fight against Ukraine is already ongoing. How will it end? When? I don’t think anyone has a clear answer. But there is a sense of tension in the air. "Security" is the motto of the Polish semester in the Council of the European Union. However, the understanding of the fragility of this security, seems not to help Europe develop a clear strategy for its own security. Where does it begin? With increased military spending? With the construction of defensive structures? This is necessary today, but the strategy must also include preventive measures. Yes, one can simply accept war as inevitable and wait for it to start. This happened with Ukraine. The West did not take real preventive measures to prevent a full-scale invasion. It’s not about appeasing the aggressor. It’s about acting preemptively, weakening the aggressors before they start attacking. I recall the words of Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky in an interview with Lex Fridman: “I asked to strengthen us with weapons, but the most important thing is to strengthen us with preconditions to prevent the war. Threaten Putin with sanctions now, not after the invasion.” Did the West hear this? Yes, but did not act proactively. In 2020, we, the Belarusian democratic forces, also urged the West to impose sanctions on Lukashenko, to threaten him. But serious sanctions did not follow. Other reasons were needed — for the terror to go beyond Belarus: the hijacking of a plane, the migration war with the EU, and then — Lukashenko’s involvement in the war against Ukraine. Since the beginning of the war, we have been talking about the importance of harmonizing sanctions against Russia and Belarus. But even these measures have not been fully implemented. Why? Does the EU think that allowing aggressors to bypass sanctions is a good security strategy? Sanctions are one example. Another is bringing Lukashenko to international criminal responsibility. Lithuania submitted a request to the ICC regarding the situation in Belarus, but the support for this request from other countries has been only rhetorical for now, not in action. Why? Is ignoring international crimes safer than countering them? Why not use the tools to counteract Lukashenko proactively? Waiting leads to consequences: mass terror in Belarus began in 2020 — and by 2022 Lukashenko had already become an accomplice in the invasion to Ukraine. The year 2025 has come. It began with Poland’s presidency of the Council of the European Union under the slogan “Security, Europe.” I believe this is a key moment for developing Europe’s security strategy. Poland, as well as Lithuania and Latvia, were the first to face the consequences of Lukashenko’s terror and the migration war. Just next to Poland, across the border, a full-scale war against Ukraine is taking place, which started partly from Belarusian territory. Poland and the neighboring countries certainly recognize the threat from Belarus. Does the rest of Europe recognize it? Is this awareness enough to start acting strategically and preventively? It’s still not too late to take preventive measures that could make the threat impossible. Otherwise, we must admit that in the future, the EU sees Belarus as a country with which, sooner or later, they will have to fight. How to prevent such a future? Act preventively. Threaten Lukashenko.Sanctions based on the formula: reinforcement plus harmonization plus strict control. Make Lukashenko's regime economically costly for Russia and close the opportunity for both aggressors to bypass sanctions. Split the elites and facilitate the transition of power.Issue an arrest warrant for Lukashenko and refuse to recognize his fraudulent elections. His elites should understand that with him, Belarus has no future. Strengthen Belarusian democratic forces, support the institutions we’ve created: the President-elect, the United Transitional Cabinet, the Coordination Council. This is the political alternative to the regime today and the foundation for the transition of power tomorrow. Work with Belarusian society.Support for Belarusian society is not only the foundation of a strategy for Belarus, but also an investment in the future and security of  Europe. Belarusians, despite the repression, support democracy and oppose war. Peace and democracy are the core values of Belarusians. This is the key difference between Belarusians and Russians, and it is what prevents Lukashenko from directly engaging in aggression. It’s important not to lose the minds of the people. To do this, we need to support independent media, bloggers, and civil society more actively. The information front is the first line of defense, and we need to invest in it as much as we do in real defense structures. How much one Abrams or Leopard tank cost, or an F16 fighter jet — and how much is the EU allocating for countering Lukashenko's propaganda? 5-7 million euros? One glance at the map of Europe is enough to understand why we need to fight for Belarus and its minds. Winning this war for minds is far better now than winning a real war later. Thank you for your attention.

Pavel Pavlovich Latushka:  Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Representative of the United Transitional Cabinet  for Power Transition. Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Leader of the "Latushka Team and For Freedom Movement" fraction in the 3rd Convocation Coordination Council Is it normal to arbitrarily imprison people? To jail his political opponents, each of whom would win against him in a fair competition? Is it normal to keep people in inhumane conditions, to torture, abuse, and rape them, to keep them incommunicado for years, and then just once show that a person is still alive — is this great mercy? Is this the new normal that everyone should get used to and accept? It's important that today we saw Viktor Dmitrievich Babariko, whom I know personally. And it is important for him to be free. It is our main task to have each political prisoner free. Viktor Babariko. Screenshot from a video But do we need to say "thank you" to Lukashenko? Or should we recognize him, recognize his sham elections, pretend everything is fine, that nothing happened, and that thousands of broken lives, thousands of political prisoners since 2020 — well, that happens? And what about the dozens killed or driven to death by his regime? Is that normal? Look at what a wonderful person Lukashenko is! Liberalization, acts of humanism! He understands everything; he's making steps towards de-escalation, maybe he didn't even want to unleash mass terror and repression, torture, maybe it just turned out this way? Or maybe it's our own fault? Are all his victims to blame? Shouldn't we have just wanted your freedom, democracy, fair elections, a better life? Should we have appreciated Lukashenko instead, not provoked him, not gotten involved in politics, right? Don't make grandpa angry! This will be a lesson for everyone. Now let's turn the page, kneel down, and glorify the tsar. Or do you think acts of humanism come for free? Wake up. What is this? A human zoo? I'll show you people in cages, and you clap your hands and be happy? What other motives does the regime pursue? To hijack the agenda. To divert it from Zelensky's recent statement, where the President of Ukraine directly called him a murderer and a war criminal. Where he showed his rotten core, telling about how Lukashenko twisted and lied, how he asked Zelensky to strike at Mozyr to then justify his participation in the war. So, do we really have such a short memory? Lukashenko is a murderer, a sadist, and an aggressor. He has killed and continues to kill. He has tortured and continues to torture. He has been jailed, repressed, and continues to do so. He supported the war and continues to do so. Nothing has changed, he has realized nothing and regrets nothing. He's not looking for any way out of the crisis, he doesn't want to negotiate, he isn't planning to stop the repression, to release all unjustly convicted, to restore liquidated parties and civil society organizations, independent media. He's not planning to let back hundreds of thousands of people he deported, driven out of Belarus. He's not planning to cancel all the repressive laws his puppet parliament passed. And he's not planning to stop supporting the war. All he wants is to sit on his throne until death and for everyone to just accept this, acknowledge his right to do so, to kneel down and not shout "Leave!" but "It's necessary!" Trying to find hidden meanings and secret signals in Lukashenko's actions is self-deception. There's only one signal and it's clear and distinct — "surrender and accept the new normal". In which things won't get better, but could get worse at any moment. And what? Will we agree to this? In exchange for a brief news story from a colony? No. I disagree and will not stop fighting until in that story, instead of illegally convicted political prisoners, it will be Lukashenko who is convicted by a fair court for all the real crimes he has committed. This will happen. Maybe not tomorrow. But we will see that story.

Address by Pavel Latushka at the joint session of the EU Affairs Committee and the Foreign Affairs Committee of the Polish Sejm Key points from the speech by the Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Pavel Latushka, at the joint session of the EU Affairs Committee and the Foreign Affairs Committee of the Polish Sejm January 8, 2025 Dear Madam President-elect, Dear Chairpersons, Dear Deputies and Senators, Dear Colleagues, It is crucial for us that one of the declared priority tasks during Poland's presidency of the European Union is the situation in Belarus. Poland is a strategic partner of the democratic forces of Belarus and the Belarusian society. In the interests of the majority of Belarusians is a democratic, independent, and sovereign Belarus, which, I am convinced, also corresponds to the national interests of Poland, neighboring Belarus.  Our common strategy, emphasizing the importance of democratic changes in Belarus, can be based on this convergence of interests. Achieving this goal is possible with systematic support from civil society and a clear signal to Lukashenko that no one will cooperate with him,  and he will not be able to repeat another cycle for the sixth time — a unique circle of deceiving Belarusians and European partners. The motto of Poland's EU presidency will be Security. What position does Belarus occupy in this context today? Indeed, the democratization of Belarus is the most effective solution for our country to stop being a source of threats  currently emanating from Lukashenko's pro-Russian dictatorship. It is important to say that increasing billion-dollar expenditures, expenses on strengthening the border with Belarus — this is undoubtedly necessary , but at the same time, it deals with the consequence. In modern conditions, these actions are undoubtedly necessary, but at the same time, it is important not to forget about the cause . As long as the cause is not eliminated, the problem will not be solved,  and defense-military expenditures will continue to increase. Creating a conditional "moat with crocodiles" on the border with Belarus is a tactical decision to strengthen security, but strategically it does not relieve tension, the threat remains. Peace and Ukraine's victory, for which we all fight, do not fully reduce the strategic threats for Poland. The strategic solution involves taking measures aimed at detaching Belarus from Russia, democratizing, and integrating Belarusian society into Europe.  And this is not possible without changing the political situation inside Belarus—that is, without abolishing Lukashenko's pro-Russian regime. Indeed, at the moment,  there are not so many tools for direct action.  However, Poland and Europe still have tools, the application of which would create conditions that directly affect the possibility of changing the situation in Belarus. And accordingly — change the security situation in the region. It is important when making strategic decisions to realize the following: Lukashenko will not change the domestic policy in Belarus.  Lukashenko is unable to pull Belarus out of Putin's embrace.  Lukashenko will not become independent in foreign policy. We are on the eve of the so-called elections that Lukashenko plans to organize. But we can only call this process a farce.  And this farce cannot be the basis for revising the policy towards Lukashenko.  Lately, we have heard individual voices about the need to establish communication with both Lukashenko himself and representatives of his regime. But here I would like to note the basic positions when considering these issues. First, a few facts about what is happening in Belarus. Despite the release of some political prisoners at the end of their term and under so-called amnesty, their number remains consistently high — 1,300 political prisoners. And repression is only intensifying. Does this look like the regime has changed its policy for democratic countries to recognize it as a partner?  Should the democratic world really start a dialogue with Lukashenko, knowing what is a condition for starting a dialogue — he has been in power for 30 years and has gone through 5 such cycles. Perhaps pragmatists will say that repression is not terrible, the main thing is that Lukashenko will try to distance himself from Russia .  He will not try and he will not be able to. Belarus today is a military platform that can be used by Russia at any moment for the next phase of aggression.  Before the New Year, Lukashenko transferred several additional military units close to the border with Ukraine. Lukashenko is unable to pull Belarus out of Putin's embrace and will ensure Russia's military-political interests, which guarantees him the retention of power.  He has definitively made a choice in favor of Russia and will not become independent in foreign policy. Dialogue can be conducted with a partner who will adhere to agreements, who makes real steps to improve relations and is able to do them independently. Lukashenko is no longer able to return to 2019.  He will not restore independent media, opposition parties, NGOs, and will not release all political prisoners, will not cancel thousands of illegal sentences, will not want to return hundreds of thousands of Belarusians deported from the country, will not return life to the killed and health to those who are undergoing torture in prisons this minute. It's unrealistic! He suffered the strongest psychological trauma in 2020 — the Belarusians denied him support, and the fear of repeating 2020 will determine his policy. It is necessary to soberly assess the picture of what is happening in Belarus. And I am convinced that it does not contribute to changing the strategy towards the regime. Is there a way out? Yes — the approach "No business as usual with Lukashenko".   The way out is strong, systematic, and targeted support for Belarusian society, which, if necessary, should be medium and long term. This support should be aimed at changing the political regime in Belarus or changing the policy of this regime. Lukashenko will die tomorrow, it will happen sooner or later, it is inevitable, as is the fall of the Assad regime in Syria. Who will be responsible for changes in the country? It will be the Belarusian people and society, so it is important to invest in Belarusian society. We propose a dual-direction strategy. This includes depriving Lukashenko of agency and restoring agency to Belarusian society. How can this be achieved? 1. This requires systematic, stable support for civil society organizations and initiatives primarily directed towards Belarus. It also involves supporting independent media and bloggers.  It is crucial not to lose the minds of the democratic majority of Belarusians, otherwise, in a few years, a soldier in Russian uniform might appear on the Polish border, ready to attack Poland. This needs serious resources and daily work. We are leading this effort. However, without systematic support, it would be extremely difficult for us to withstand this. 2. This includes not recognizing Lukashenko — and recognizing the established and functioning system of political institutions of democratic forces in Belarus.  A real democratic alternative to the regime: the United Transitional Cabinet and the Coordination Council. This should become our common strategy. 3. We propose that you, our partners, send a clear signal to the elites: there is no future with Lukashenko.  This is crucial for key figures within Belarus to understand the inevitability of political change. 4. In turn, to emerge from the political crisis, we will continue to publicly articulate the unacceptability of Lukashenko to the majority of Belarusians. At the same time, it is important to make it clear to the elites that without Lukashenko, a potential field for communication is possible to ensure security and stability during the transition period. 5. Increase the toxicity of Lukashenko by issuing an arrest warrant against him.  It must be made clear to the elites around Lukashenko that he is an international criminal and will be held accountable.  Impunity for crimes breeds new, even more terrible crimes. Lukashenko has long been an international criminal, and this can hardly be denied. His crimes pose a threat not only to Belarusians but also to Poland and the entire region.  There are more than enough grounds for the International Criminal Court to issue an arrest warrant against him. This includes his war crimes  against Ukrainian children — illegal deportation, and crimes against humanity involving Belarusians , which have a transnational character. We hope that Poland will not turn a blind eye to this during its presidency of the Council of the European Union. We have prepared all necessary materials for the International Criminal Court. The Lithuanian government has officially approached the ICC's Office of the Prosecutor requesting an investigation into the situation in Belarus and has explicitly stated its intention to seek an arrest warrant for Lukashenko.  We expect Poland to support Lithuania's appeal. Otherwise, what else can we believe in? In democracy, in law? Issuing an arrest warrant for Lukashenko could create conditions for a split in the elites and send a clear signal to his circle that there is no future with Lukashenko. This could be an opportunity in the future to start a dialogue, the so-called roundtable , but without Lukashenko's participation. Undoubtedly, an arrest warrant would also impact Lukashenko's external agency. 6. This involves continuing and intensifying sanction pressure on the Lukashenko regime. Full harmonization of trade sanctions against the Lukashenko regime and Russia; Blocking sanctions on all state banks and banks with Russian capital; Sanctions on all types of fertilizers and liquefied gas (or high protective tariffs); Broad personal sanctions on judges, propagandists, and senior management of enterprises; Expansion of control and restrictions on the transit of sanctioned goods. 7. It is also important to maintain the possibility of mobility for Belarusians: The possibility of communication with European society; Support in issuing visas to the European Union; Increasing the number of educational scholarships to create a serious counterbalance to a similar policy conducted by Russia; Forming personnel for a New Belarus, for which I would like to thank the director of the Centre for Eastern European Studies at the University of Warsaw, Jan Malicki; Providing additional opportunities to support Belarusian cultural identity both in the EU and in Poland. This is especially relevant in the context of the policy of the Lukashenko regime and Russia to impose the "Russian world" on Belarusians. 8. We are also interested in activating cooperation on issues related to the legalization of the stay of Belarusians in EU countries.  As is known, only in Poland, 141,000 Belarusians have already legalized their stay, and about 100,000 are in the process of legalization. This concerns the fact that hundreds of thousands of Belarusians have been forced to leave Belarus since 2020 and are now in the EU. Belarusians do not have the opportunity to get a new passport or extend the current one abroad, as consular institutions are prohibited from issuing documents for the Belarusian diaspora. The possibility of returning to Belarus to obtain documents in most cases means arrest and a political sentence. Foreign investment from Belarus increased by €1.6 billion in 2023 compared to the previous year. In total, Belarusians have invested around €3.1 billion in the Polish economy. In 2024, there were more than 6,000 business entities with Belarusian roots on the territory of Poland. 9. Do not decide the fate of Belarusians behind our backs.  Nothing about us without us. I would also like to add that in the case of negotiations on the situation in Ukraine, it is important for us that the voice of Belarusian democratic forces is represented.   This can be ensured through direct participation or through the presidency of Poland in the European Union. It is also unacceptable to allow dictator Lukashenko to possible negotiations , as he has completely lost the right to represent the interests of Belarusians and will never restore it. The situation in Belarus cannot be left hanging in the air and especially cannot be handed over to Russia, simply thrown behind the iron curtain. And I think that a single look at the map is enough to understand why it is necessary to fight for Belarus and Belarusians, their minds. I propose considering  the adoption of a program to support the democratic aspirations of Belarusians  in areas such as information, culture, education, legalization, mobility, and support for democratic institutions in exile. Being in the Polish Sejm, I would like to express my gratitude to Poland, the Polish government, and Polish society for the enormous help that has been provided and continues to be provided, both to the Belarusian society and to the democratic forces.

Yuriy Gubarevich , NAM's Regional Development Representative and leader of the "For Freedom" movement, in an interview with the Ukrainian publication "FREEДОМ", discussed how Lukashenko's reappointment would unfold on January 26, 2025. "The 'No-Election-2025' differs from all previous electoral campaigns because there used to be opportunities for opposition political parties to act. In 2021–2022, all of them were liquidated. All four candidates are merely sparring partners, and even the presence of some opposition episodes in their biographies signifies nothing. These individuals have been thoroughly vetted and will campaign in support of Lukashenko". Lukashenko will once again refuse to participate in debates "He feels uncomfortable when he might receive an unexpected or unprepared question from an interlocutor. The dictator will simply stay on the air, while the other candidates will be given strictly limited time during which they will praise Lukashenko. This is part of their agreement to participate in these elections". The dictator will 'paint' himself no less than 90%  "Even if Lukashenko decides to 'paint' himself a result higher than Putin's in these 'no-elections', the Kremlin will pay no attention. Many other dictators from former Soviet republics have allowed themselves to claim nearly one hundred percent support. But I do not think that Lukashenko will face any consequences if he even claims 99%. The regime within Belarus might go for this, as Lukashenko's usurpation of power is complete and absolute".

Pavel Pavlovich Latushka:  Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Representative of the United Transitional Cabinet  for Power Transition. Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Leader of the "Latushka Team and For Freedom Movement" fraction in the 3rd Convocation Coordination Council Recently, Lukashenko's Foreign Minister, Maxim Ryzhenkov, stated that the regime, having fallen out with the West, is now turning more towards countries of the "global majority," developing cooperation with the likes of China and Iran. But is this really the case? And what is the situation in Belarus's foreign trade? Did Lukashenko's trips to China, Mongolia, Pakistan, Oman, the UAE, and Zimbabwe bring any practical results? It appears not . Despite numerous statements about "all-weather cooperation", the actual volume of trade with China remains disproportionate to the ambitions. The main exports from Belarus to China are potash fertilizers, timber, and agro-industrial products. However, after sanctions and the reorientation of logistics, China has not increased purchases of Belarusian goods to a level that could compensate for the losses from issues on the western front. Moreover, global prices for Belarus's key export items, like potash, are falling. China is also increasing its shipments to Belarus, displacing domestic producers from their own market. As for Mongolia, Pakistan, Oman, the UAE, and Zimbabwe, while these countries are important in terms of symbolic diplomacy, they do not have sufficient economic potential to significantly increase trade with Belarus. For example, the African continent accounts for less than 2% of Belarus's foreign exports. Lukashenko's visits were more image-oriented and personal in nature rather than having practical significance, and the agreements made are either not being implemented or are realized in minimal volumes. This is also confirmed by Belstat data. From January to November 2024, Belarus's export outside the CIS fell by 7.4% compared to the same period last year. As a result, from January to November 2024, the negative trade balance with countries outside the CIS reached almost 7 billion US dollars. Excluding Russia and other CIS countries, Belarus exports nearly half as much abroad as it imports from there. Covering the losses in foreign markets entirely through Russia has also not been possible so far. According to the latest data, imports are growing three times faster than Belarusian exports, even though the regime is trying to extend old prohibitions and introduce new ones. In particular, Lukashenko's government has extended the "counter-sanctions," i.e., the ban on the import of certain consumer goods from so-called "unfriendly" countries, including cosmetics, clothing, and footwear, until the end of 2025. The negative trade balance of goods in Belarus has reached a massive 4.2 billion US dollars.

Pavel Latushka, Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet and head of the National Anticrisis Management, a member of the Coordination Council, and an extraordinary and plenipotentiary ambassador, specifically for "Pozirk" Original article: pozirk.online The Usurper's Path to The Hague   For the first time in our country's history, there is an official possibility to submit materials to the Office of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court concerning crimes against humanity committed by representatives of the Lukashenko regime against the Belarusian people. The goal is to initiate an investigation, issue an arrest warrant for Lukashenko and his accomplices, and hold them accountable for crimes against Belarusians. Among all the sanctions decisions, I would particularly highlight those that could be called "werewolves in robes". Based on materials prepared and submitted by the NAM team, the European Union imposed sanctions against 24 judges of the regime, as well as 10 penitentiary system employees and three propagandists. We will demonstrate to these so-called judges that, with their higher legal education, they are fully aware of the crimes they commit. Placing them on the sanctions list is the first step towards bringing them to criminal responsibility. Special attention should be given to restricting the use of Lukashenko's airplanes. On August 9th, the proposals and justifications of the NAM team were reflected in US sanctions against the dictator's aircraft number 1 — a Boeing 767, which completed our work on imposing sanctions on all Lukashenko's aircraft. Today, four airplanes and one helicopter of the dictator are under sanctions. It was important to send him a personal signal, highlighting his personal responsibility for what is happening. Lukashenko will find it increasingly difficult to continue enjoying the benefits and privileges he illegally created for himself and his family. It is also important to note the significant harmonization of sanctions against Russia and the Lukashenko regime, nearly 60%. This reduces the possibilities for circumventing previously imposed restrictions in the interests of Russia and increases pressure on the Lukashenko regime. A significant step was the restriction of the transit of sanctioned goods through Belarus. NAЬ, along with other Belarusian initiatives, including BelPol and the Belarusian Investigative Center, has documented abuses of transit schemes used by the regime to circumvent sanctions. Our evidence was reflected in the legal norms, established by the decision of the EU Council on June 29, 2024, which significantly complicated the use of false transit routes. Sanctions against the Russian Bank's Financial Message Transfer System (SPFS) also became fundamentally important. Our justification, submitted to Brussels in December 2023, about the necessity of sanctions against SPFS — a system used to circumvent financial sanctions and pay for sanctioned goods needed for the RF military industry in the aggression against Ukraine — was taken into account in the 14th package of EU sanctions against Russia on June 24, 2024. Support for Political Prisoners and the Fight for Their Release  In the work of the Office of Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya and the United Transitional Cabinet (UTC), an important achievement was the creation of the International Humanitarian Fund to assist political prisoners and their families, and the conduct of an international campaign for the release of political prisoners, especially from the humanitarian list; conducting international solidarity days. More than 200 political prisoners have been released, but this is just a small part of the detainees. At the same time, we understand that our fight is a sprint marathon with permanent obstacles created by the regime itself. The main problem in the current situation is the principle of conditional rotation, which the regime implements by releasing some and simultaneously throwing new innocent Belarusians into dungeons. In December 2024, unprecedented Belarus Days were organized in Brussels, during which a high-level conference of the European Parliament in support of the Belarusian people took place. The conference was attended by representatives of democratic institutions of Belarus and Belarusian civil society, as well as the President of the European Parliament Roberta Metsola and MEPs, a number of European commissioners, emphasizing the principled support of the European Union for the democratic aspirations of Belarusians. Resilience of Democratic Institutions  In early August 2024, the "New Belarus" conference was held, during which important strategic documents were signed: the Protocol of Interaction, the Declaration of Responsibility and Restoration of Justice, the Declaration on Foreign Policy Priorities of Democratic Belarus. Also, the "Platform 2025" was adopted, which unites the approach of all democratic forces of Belarus to the so-called elections in 2025. It is important that we were able to demonstrate the resilience of democratic institutions. This is an unprecedented achievement in the history of Europe: despite forced exile, the institutions of the president-elect, the United Transitional Cabinet as the executive body, and the Coordination Council as the representative body exist and operate. We are perceived as full-fledged partners, which is why strategic dialogues with the United States of America and the European Commission have been conducted, similar to those that the USA and the European Union conduct with the governments of other countries. In this case, with representatives of the democratic institutions of Belarus. We also started a strategic dialogue with Canada and plan to launch a similar process with the United Kingdom. The First Real Elections of a Representative Body  For the first time, we elected a representative body of Belarus. For the Coordination Council, this is undoubtedly a historic moment. Unfortunately, a relatively small number of Belarusians participated in the vote. This is related to both objective and subjective reasons. One of the factors that hindered participation in the elections was the distrust of the vote counting system. But the fact that none of the participants in the actual voting were identified and held accountable demonstrates that the system works and we have received a representative body for the first time. For me and our coalition in the CC, this means that we represent the position of about 2,400 voters who supported our program. We received 35% of the mandates. And this is a representative body, formed democratically for the first time in decades. It is particularly important that the largest international parliamentary organization — the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) — recognized the status of the representative body of the Coordination Council. And for the first time in history, it invited the official delegation of the CC to participate in the PACE session in January 2025. This is unprecedented. I say this as a former ambassador responsible for the work of the Belarusian mission to the Council of Europe until 2019. Help for Belarusians Abroad  We managed to resume the activities of the working group on issues related to the stay of Belarusian citizens in Poland, between the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the administration of Poland and representatives of Belarusian democratic forces. My candidacy is included in the group, as well as Vitaly Molchanov from the representative office of the UTC on social issues. Additionally, a working group on cooperation with non-governmental organizations has been established by the Interdepartmental Working Group of Poland on migration issues. Its composition will include representatives of various diaspora organizations, and as a representative of the UTC — Artem Proskalovich. This activity is essentially aimed at solving daily issues related to the legalization of Belarusians abroad. Separately, we, in collaboration with the "Da Voli" association, provided support in obtaining 126 visas, including 117 humanitarian visas for Belarusians persecuted by the Lukashenko regime; and if necessary — the evacuation of Belarusians from the country. Unfortunately, legalization remains a problem. We defend the interests of Belarusian volunteers in Ukraine, but other countries restrict their ability to legalize them, guided by national security approaches. On Eternal Values  In 2024, the project of the National Anticrisis Management team — the Free Belarus Museum — continued its activity. Over the year, more than 100 cultural and educational events were held, with more than 8,500 participants, and the museum's collection exceeded 300 original exhibits from the latest history of the Belarusian protest. The museum's international connections were strengthened — partnerships were established with representatives of the embassies of more than 20 countries worldwide, as well as with the Sejm, the Senate, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ministry of Culture and National Heritage of Poland, and the Mayor's Office of Warsaw.

Results of work in the legal direction: On October 2, the Office of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court  initiated a preliminary investigation into the "Belarusian situation," which is the result of the work of the NAM, which prepared materials for submission to the authorities of Lithuania. The Lithuanian government made a referral to the International Criminal Court. The international judicial system began its work on crimes against Belarusians — and this is an important result of our efforts. The work carried out makes it possible to expect that one of the OSCE mechanisms for monitoring crimes in Belarus may be launched as early as the beginning of 2025. The results of the current year also allow us to expect that in 2025 a case will be initiated against the Lukashenko regime in the International Court of Justice, enabling him to be held accountable. In Warsaw, the NAM organized a side event within the framework of the Warsaw Human Dimension Conference on the topic “Mobilizing the OSCE Moscow Mechanism to Examine the Forced Displacement of Belarusians and Their Extraterritorial Persecution.” The event aimed to draw the widest possible international attention to the crimes of Lukashenko's regime against Belarusians. On December 2, in The Hague, for the first time, Lukashenko's crimes addressed at the ICC Assembly of States Parties, a specially organized event was held dedicated to the prospects of addressing the "Belarusian situation" at the ICC: "The Belarus Situation at the ICC: ICC Jurisdiction and the Need for State Party Support." On September 4, the Polish National Prosecutor's Office issued a decision to arrest three Belarusian citizens suspected of committing a crime related to the hijacking of the Ryanair civilian aircraft: former director of the state enterprise "Belaeronavigatsia" Leonid Churo, shift supervisor in the air traffic control service Yauhen Tsyhanau, and a high-ranking KGB officer whose name is also known. Results of work in the area of sanctions pressure: In 2024, the National Anti-Crisis Management initiated and prepared justifications for the adoption of a series of international sanctions and restrictive measures against Lukashenko's regime and its allies. Sanctions against Alexander Lukashenka’s personal aircraft. On August 9, the proposals and justifications from the NAM team were reflected in the U.S. sanctions against the dictator's primary aircraft — a Boeing 767. This marked the completion of our efforts to impose sanctions on all of Lukashenko's aircraft. Today, four airplanes and one helicopter belonging to the dictator are under sanctions. Harmonization of sanctions against Lukashenka’s regime and Russia. The NAM repeatedly proposed coordinated measures, and these proposals were taken into account in the EU Council’s decision of June 29, 2024. This decision eliminates the regime's ability to profit from circumventing restrictions applied to Russia’s military-industrial complex. Restricting the transit of sanctioned goods through Belarus. The NAM documented abuses of transit schemes used by the regime to circumvent sanctions. Our evidence was reflected in the legal provisions enshrined in the EU Council’s decision of June 29, 2024, which significantly complicated the use of "false" transit routes. Sanctions against the Financial Messaging System of the Bank of Russia (SPFS). Our justification for the necessity of sanctions against SPFS — a system used to circumvent imposed financial sanctions and facilitate payments for sanctioned goods essential to Russia's military-industrial complex for aggression — was considered in the EU’s 14th sanctions package against Russia on June 24, 2024. EU sanctions against individual representatives of the regime: Based on dossiers prepared and submitted by the NAM team, the European Union imposed sanctions against: 24 regime judges, 10 employees of the penitentiary system, 3 leading propagandists. Additional sanctions adopted by EU allies based on proposals from the NAM and other democratic initiatives: United States (August 9):  Sanctions against military-industrial complex enterprises and their leaders. Canada (August 9):  Sanctions against judges, military personnel of the regime, and military-industrial complex enterprises. United Kingdom (October 3):  Sanctions against CJSC "Alfa-Bank." New Zealand (September 24):  Sanctions against the head of the Belarusian Red Cross Society, "BelOMO," and the Orsha Aircraft Repair Plant. In addition, thanks to our initiatives, the EU, the US, and Canada imposed sanctions on Alyaksei Talai and his foundation, the Belarusian Republican Youth Union (BRSM), the head of this organization, Alyaksandr Lukyanau, as well as the State Secretary of the Union State of Belarus and Russia, Dmitry Mezentsev. All of them are involved in the war crime of the illegal transfer of Ukrainian children to the territory of Belarus. On September 8, 2024, the NAM submitted materials to the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Poland for the introduction of national sanctions against 20 security officers and 26 propagandists  of Lukashenko's regime for waging a migration war. Results of the work of the Free Belarus Museum — a project of the NAM: In 2024, the project of the National Anti-Crisis Management team — the Free Belarus Museum — continued its activities. It is located at Foksal 11, Warsaw. More than 150 cultural and educational events were held, with over 8,500 participants. The museum's collection exceeded 300 original exhibits from the recent history of the Belarusian protest movement. For the first time, exhibitions from the museum's own collection were held — the photo project by Syarhei and Dzmitryi Brushko, "REVISION 30," and "Unyielding Voices," a project dedicated to the role of women in the Belarusian democratic movement. The first Catalogue of Artifacts of the Free Belarus Museum was published. The museum's international connections have strengthened: partnerships have been established with representatives from the embassies of over 20 countries, as well as the Sejm, Senate, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ministry of Culture and National Heritage of Poland, and the Warsaw City Hall. The NAM and the Free Belarus Museum successfully raised over €2,300 in sponsorship funds and published a book by one of the well-known Belarusian authors currently living abroad. Additionally, €12,250 was raised for the production of a play by the "Free Kupalaucy" theater troupe, with preparations for the performance beginning in December of this year. Results of the "Personnel Reserve" project: Two educational visits were organized, allowing participants to learn about the work of the public administration in Lithuania and European institutions in Belgium. 10 works with concepts for future reforms in Belarus were written by participants of the campaign. The discussion of 6 concepts for future reforms in Belarus, proposed by invited experts, attracted over 680 comments from campaign participants. A Personnel Matrix has been created — a space where campaign participants can indicate the positions they envision for themselves in the New Belarus. An online meeting titled "The Path to Democracy: Proposals and Opportunities" was held for participants of the "Personnel Reserve" with representatives of democratic forces. 7 video interviews with participants of the "Personnel Reserve" campaign about their vision for reforms in the New Belarus. Two cycles of online lectures were held: one with the participation of Lithuanian political and public figures, and the other, a lecture series titled "Special Course: The Path to a Democratic Belarus," featuring prominent Belarusian scholars and analysts. As of the end of the year, the Personnel Reserve includes 700 participants, 30% of whom are located in Belarus. Additionally: The NAM team provided financial support to the Belarusian Association of Political Prisoners "To Freedom" in the amount of approximately 2,500 PLN. NAM members Pavel Latushka and Uladzimir Astapenka continue to support the diplomatic course "New Personnel for the New Belarus" within the framework of the project by the Centre for East European Studies at the University of Warsaw. During the implementation of the program, 74 graduates have received diplomas. A strategy for the democratic forces regarding the fake elections of 2025 has been developed and adopted. Additionally, events on the topic of power transition were held: "Ways to Exit the Political Crisis in Belarus, Based on the Example of the Polish Round Table" and "From the Union State to Power Transition." Within the framework of the latter, a foundational document on power transition in Belarus was developed. In cooperation with the Belarusian Association of Political Prisoners "To Freedom," within the framework of the "Zemlya" project, support was provided in obtaining 126 visas, including 117 humanitarian visas for Belarusians persecuted by Lukashenko's regime. Representatives of the NAM became participants in the working group on issues related to the stay of Belarusian citizens in Poland, established between the Ministry of the Interior of Poland and representatives of Belarusian democratic forces. They also participated in the working group on cooperation with non-governmental organizations, founded by Poland's Intergovernmental Working Group on Migration Issues. Join us on social media: Telegram Instagram YouTube YouTube PL Twitter Facebook Viber TikTok TikTok PL LinkedIn The National Anti-Crisis Management : Telegram Instagram YouTube Twitter Facebook Сайт TikTok The Free Belarus Museum : Instagram Facebook

Pavel Latushka:   Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Representative of the UTC for Power Transition. Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Leader of the "Team Latushka and the Movement for Freedom" fraction within the 3rd convocation of the Coordination Council Well, perhaps only to The Hague. What am I talking about? About the obsessive idea of a Kremlin puppet to somehow secure a seat at the negotiating table on Ukraine. Lukashenko is desperately trying to insert himself into these discussions. He repeats this idea at every opportunity, and it likely haunts his dreams every night. But… that’s the problem — it’s only a dream. Let’s analyze why neither Ukraine nor the major Western players want, nor will they, talk to this Kremlin puppet.  And why sitting at the same table with them, even though Lukashenko's masters are openly lobbying for him, is an almost impossible mission for the Kremlin’s pocket dictator. First and unchanging point:   Lukashenko is politically a nobody.  Literally. He is not a president. His illegitimacy is not, and will not, be questioned by our Western partners, even after the farce Lukashenko has planned for the end of January. There is already a consensus: calling it an election is impossible. Whatever result Lukashenko decides to fabricate this time — be it 85%, 95%, or even a surreal 105% — it will have no impact on how he is perceived in the West. He remains an illegitimate dictator and usurper. He was, he is, and he will continue to be so. And at the same time, he is also a pocket usurper — unindependent, unsubstantial, and entirely dependent on the Kremlin.  This is the second point,  and it is, frankly, even more significant than the first. Those who argue about the supposed necessity of negotiating with Lukashenko often like to use the argument that "even terrorists are negotiated with". And this is exactly where that argument falls apart. Lukashenko has long been in a much worse status. He could have been called a terrorist back in 2020 and 2021, when he launched a campaign of state terror against the Belarusian people and then began committing openly terrorist acts against neighboring countries and international security as a whole. This includes instrumentalizing illegal migration to carry out attacks and destabilize the borders of the European Union, as well as the hijacking of a Ryanair passenger plane by the Lukashenko regime. At that time, Lukashenko could have simply been labeled a terrorist, in addition to his already well-known political status as an illegitimate usurper. Yet even in that status, he still retained a degree of agency, at least in terms of independently orchestrating these clearly terrorist actions. Let’s call this agency functional. And when someone says that even terrorists are negotiated with, it is important to understand that, purely theoretically, a terrorist acting independently could be considered an agent in their own right. But in February 2022, everything changed radically. Although it should be noted here that any competent analyst would say the beginning of the end of even Lukashenko’s functional agency occurred much earlier. One of the most striking signs of this was in 2020, when instead of either transferring or at least sharing power with the Belarusian people — rather than crushing dissent, killing, torturing en masse, and imprisoning people — Lukashenko chose to share power with the Kremlin. He made this deal, and thanks to it, he managed to remain in a seat that, in essence, was no longer his. He stayed in power not because of the Belarusian people, but because of the Kremlin’s permission. At that time, unfortunately, not all of our Western partners fully grasped this reality. Perhaps there was a desire to overlook it, to avoid acknowledging something they ultimately had to recognize when the full-scale aggression against Ukraine began. In this aggression, Belarus, against the will of its people, became one of the staging grounds for the war, and Lukashenko, occupying the position he usurped, became another Pusilin — a Kremlin puppet of the same caliber. Since then, Lukashenko has only continued to prove his role as a co-aggressor, supplier, and assembly line for Russia's military-industrial complex. He has also become one of the top propagandists for Russian aggression, adopting all the anti-Ukrainian and anti-Western narratives of Kremlin propaganda. This is also evident in his domestic policy of terror, where Belarusians’ anti-war stance has become an additional reason for repression. This is a critical aspect of the repressions in Belarus since 2022 — no longer limited to pro-democratic or anti-regime positions, but also anti-Russian, pro-Ukrainian, or even simply anti-war views have made Belarusians targets and victims of the regime’s repressions and crimes against humanity, committed on a massive scale. This cannot be hidden. It cannot be concealed behind cheap manipulations or pseudo-peace rhetoric while simultaneously supporting aggression, producing weapons, committing war crimes such as the illegal deportation of Ukrainian children, and hosting (at least according to Lukashenko’s own statements) Russian nuclear weapons in Belarus. Furthermore, new military agreements are being signed with Russia, the so-called "integration" — in reality, the destruction of Belarus's remaining sovereignty under the guise of the Union State — is deepening. All of this cannot be hidden behind so-called "pardons", which are accompanied by intensified repressions, nor behind so-called "elections", which are not elections in any real sense. Thus, Lukashenko's demands to be included in negotiations merely cries into the void. Empty noise. No one takes them seriously, least of all Ukraine. These demands look identical to those of his Kremlin master, who, under the guise of readiness for "peace negotiations", issues ultimatums and threats. The behavioral patterns are entirely identical, with one key difference: the master’s agency is at least recognized. Lukashenko’s agency, however, is not recognized by anyone relevant to future negotiations — not even by his master, who only needs him there as a yes-man. In this grand scheme, Lukashenko's internal policies, which are already limited and strictly confined within specific boundaries, are not primary or even secondary concerns when it comes to granting him a seat at the table with actual politicians. Only political agents can sit at such a table. And when your "agency" consists solely of acting as a regional enforcer, repressing dissent, and imposing the "Russian world" in Belarus, there is nothing to talk about with you. It is worth noting that even for those so-called "pardons", Lukashenko had to justify himself to his Russian overlords. This shows that he lacks full independence of action even here. The reason why Lukashenko is so desperate to get to the big table is obvious and needs no further explanation. For him, it is the shortest path to gaining some semblance of legitimacy. He knows that no "election" will restore it for him. But this isn’t like going to the store with your mom, throwing a tantrum because she won’t buy you a toy. Lukashenko isn’t just throwing a tantrum — he’s trashing the store, attacking others, and thinking this will get him what he wants. But no, politics doesn’t work that way. In politics, the "moms" are strict, and instead of a toy, tantrum-throwing Lukashenko will face consequences unless he changes his behavior. The tools of punishment — such as sanctions and the isolation of the Lukashenko regime — are aimed precisely at achieving this: a change in policy. The ball is not in the West's court, despite what regime advocates might claim. The ball is in Lukashenko's court. Until his tantrum ends, no one will lift the punishment or engage in dialogue with him. It’s time for everyone lobbying on his behalf to understand this. But what does a change in policy mean? Stopping repressions and releasing political prisoners in the current context is, of course, a fundamental precondition. It’s the starting point for any conversation. This first step must be taken unconditionally by Lukashenko himself. Instead of proclaiming on TV that there are no political prisoners in Belarus, he must act. Is he capable of taking this step — stopping repressions and freeing people? That’s a big question, especially since his "big brother" certainly won’t pat him on the head for it. However, when we consider the level Lukashenko now aspires to — the chance to sit at the table of big politics — even this step is no longer enough. There’s a war going on. The geopolitical context is entirely different from what it was during previous crises between Lukashenko and the West. This time, Lukashenko has clearly made his geopolitical choice. Thus, no one will play games with him again or believe his tales of wanting normal relations with the West. Today, the West fundamentally won’t engage with a non-sovereign puppet whose words mean nothing.  A figure who cannot provide any guarantees and who, clearly, does not act in the interests of Belarus as an independent and sovereign state but instead in the interests of Russia, upon which Lukashenko’s very survival depends. What, then, must he do beyond the initial obligatory step we discussed earlier? He must demonstrate real agency and independence. Show genuine separation from the Kremlin — through action. What does this mean? It means ending support for aggression and the aggressor. Exiting the "axis of evil". Taking a page from Nikol Pashinyan’s playbook, for example. The exact formula may vary, but the outcome must be the same: a clear demonstration of real agency and independence from Russia. A fantastical scenario? Perhaps. But we have no better scenario for Lukashenko. All the others are far more disastrous — for him personally and, more importantly, for our country, which matters to us far more. My personal assessment is that Lukashenko will never stop the repressions, and even more so, he will never break away from Russia or pursue genuine rapprochement with Europe and the West.  However, these very steps are essential to ensure that Belarus's real interests — democracy, independence, peace, and security — are not only represented in potential negotiations but are genuinely safeguarded and realized. What’s the conclusion? Is all hope lost? No, I don’t think so. I remain convinced that not only ordinary citizens but also the majority of officials in Belarus are just as interested as we are in ensuring that the real interests of Belarus are upheld. The key problem lies with Lukashenko himself. He must go. There are paths to achieve this, and we are ready to discuss them with all interested parties. Belarusians will come to an agreement with Belarusians. And these are the negotiations we must begin with if we want to preserve our country and protect its independence and real interests.

During a meeting with Pavel Latushka , Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet and Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management (NAU), Poland's First Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs, Andrzej Szejna , emphasized that during Poland's EU presidency,  the country will continue to uphold its approach of sanctioning the Lukashenko regime and supporting Belarusian democratic forces. The position of Poland's Ministry of Foreign Affairs regarding the Lukashenko regime remains "unchanged and firm". During the meeting, Pavel Latushka handed Andrzej Szejna an aide-memoire prepared by the NAM based on data from Belarusian human rights organizations. The document highlighted the scale of political repressions, which have intensified in Belarus in the lead-up to Lukashenko’s attempt to reappoint himself to the presidency he has usurped. Pavel Latushka stressed that Belarus is essentially implementing a Stalinist approach, with repressions targeting entire families. The First Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs also noted that the appointment of Adam Hałaciński as the Special Representative of Poland’s Minister of Foreign Affairs for relations with Belarusian democratic forces is a significant signal of the priority placed on supporting Belarusian democratic forces. Andrzej Szejna stated that there is no reason to expect democratic and transparent elections, as Lukashenko continues his repressive policies against Belarusians. "We see and understand this. Poland does not remain indifferent, — Andrzej Szejna added. The meeting also addressed possible approaches to securing the release of political prisoners in Belarus and discussed options for international mediation. During the discussion, Pavel Latushka appealed to Andrzej Szejna, who also serves as a member of the Polish Sejm, to support the official delegation of the Belarusian Coordination Council. For the first time, this delegation will participate in the session of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) from January 27–31, 2025 . Szejna underscored the importance of Polish Sejm deputy Ryszard Petru’s appointment as PACE rapporteur on Belarus and expressed readiness for Poland's mission to the Council of Europe to assist the Belarusian delegation in their work. Pavel Latushka emphasized that it is crucial for democratic forces to ensure that Belarus is not sidelined  during potential negotiations on Ukraine. This matter, he noted, requires further consultations with Ukraine and the European Union. He also highlighted Poland's potential leading role in this regard, particularly as it assumes the EU presidency on January 1, 2025. "Lukashenko has no right to represent Belarus in these negotiations, as he has lost legitimacy and cannot speak on behalf of the Belarusian people. It is vital for the voice of the democratic majority of Belarusian society to be heard during these talks", —  Pavel Latushka emphasized.

The topic of Belarus will be one of the priorities during Poland's presidency of the European Union, as noted by Poland's Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs, Henryka Mościcka-Dendys , during a meeting with the Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet and Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management (NAU), Pavel Latushka . Poland's EU presidency begins on January 1, 2025. The Polish Deputy Minister emphasized that one of the main priorities of Poland's presidency will be supporting the democratic aspirations of the Belarusian people. One of the first major events during Poland's presidency will be the high-level "Kościuszko Forum", organized by initiatives of Poland's Minister of Foreign Affairs, Radosław Sikorski , in early February 2025. The event will invite ministers of foreign affairs from various European countries, as well as the head and representatives of the United Transitional Cabinet, the Coordination Council, and other members of the Belarusian democratic community. Pavel Latushka expressed gratitude to Poland, as an EU member, for organizing the "Belarusian Week" in Brussels, which served as an important signal of support for the Belarusian democratic community. He also highlighted the importance of the fourth meeting of the "Belarus-EU" Consultative Group, an effective tool for cooperation between Belarus's democratic forces and the EU. Pavel Latushka further informed the Deputy Minister about the escalation of repression in Belarus ahead of the so-called elections. Both Pavel Latushka and Henryka Mościcka-Dendys agreed that the regime's staged elections cannot be considered democratic or transparent. Poland will take part in shaping the EU's unified position, which is expected to be announced shortly after January 26, 2025. The meeting also addressed the issue of holding Lukashenko and his accomplices accountable for crimes against humanity against the Belarusian people and war crimes against the Ukrainian people. Pavel Latushka requested support for Lithuania’s referral to the International Criminal Court (ICC) and presented legal grounds for potentially utilizing ICC mechanisms to hold Lukashenko accountable. Henryka Mościcka-Dendys affirmed Poland's political support for this initiative. Mechanisms within the OSCE were also discussed as a means of ensuring accountability for representatives of the Lukashenko regime. In a discussion involving the Director of the Consular Department of the Polish MFA, Justyna Chrzanowska , visa issues and the legalization of Belarusians in Poland were addressed. This included challenges related to issuing visas based on invitations from Belarusians under international protection in Poland. Pavel Latushka thanked the Polish side for supporting the issuance of humanitarian visas for Belarusians forced to leave their country due to the threat of repression.

Pavel Latushka:  Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Representative for the Transition of Power, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management (NAM), and Leader of the "Latushka Team and Movement for Freedom" faction within the 3rd convocation of the Coordination Council The EU sanctions list has been expanded with new names of "wolves in judges' robes" — the so-called "judges" who issued politically motivated sentences. Proposals with evidence and detailed justification for expanding the EU sanctions list were prepared by the National Anti-Crisis Management team and submitted to the European External Action Service  on October 11, 2024 . A series of meetings was held within EU structures in Brussels to promote these proposals. After a legal review, the sanctions were approved by the Council of the EU .  Today, we see concrete results: the "judges" responsible for fabricating politically motivated sentences against Belarusians have been included in the sanctions lists. Our proposals have been accepted. On December 16, 2024, the EU imposed sanctions on the following "wolves in judges' robes": Vera Filonik  — “judge” of the Brest Regional Court; Irina Pradun  — “judge” and chairperson of the Rogachev District Court in the Gomel Region; Vitaly Sinilo  — “judge” and chairperson of the Mosty District Court in the Grodno Region; Vadim Mozol  — “judge” of the Pruzhany District Court in the Brest Region; Nina Shestak  — “judge” of the Brest Regional Court; Irina Mayko  — “judge” of the Minsk Regional Court; Vasily Begun  — “judge” of the Gomel Regional Court; Yevgeny Bregan  — “judge” of the Brest Regional Court; Alexander Mokhorev  — “judge” of the Soviet District Court in Gomel; Olesya Osipova  — “judge” of the Central District Court in Gomel; Viktor Novik  — chairperson of the Zhabinka District Court. Judge Vera Filonik pronounces the verdict against Abdrei Levoynuk. Source: spring96.org The thoroughly collected evidence contained in the sanction dossiers prepared by the NAM team not only makes those listed persona non grata  in the EU but will also form the basis for future criminal cases. Let the "judges" who chose to serve Lukashenko instead of justice understand, as legal professionals, that the principle of law — the inevitability of punishment for crimes — will be enforced. You can learn more about these so-called judges in our video "Who Will Sit with Lukashenko?"   The new EU sanctions include judges discussed in this video. Sanctions Extended to Prison Torturers of the Lukashenko Regime Those responsible for torture in detention facilities and for inhumane treatment of unlawfully detained individuals — people behind shattered lives and ruined health of Belarusian political prisoners — have also been added to the sanctions list upon NAM’s recommendation . The following individuals are included: Vadim Murashko  — head of Penal Colony No. 13 in Hlybokaye; Sergei Bereishik  — employee of Pre-Trial Detention Center No. 1; Nikolai Mushkarov  — employee of Pre-Trial Detention Center No. 1; Sergei Petrakovich  — head of Penal Colony No. 9 in Horki; Viktor Lutsev  — head of the medical unit of Prison No. 1 in Grodno. "The expansion of the sanctions lists is important evidence that the voice of Belarusians is heard in the EU. The inclusion of ‘judges’ and prison torturers from the Lukashenko regime is the result of NAM's efforts. Everyone committing crimes against Belarusians must remember: we will continue our work. To all criminals in robes and uniforms: accountability is inevitable" , — noted Pavel Latushka , Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus and Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management.

Prison. Source of photo: lrt.it "The dark walls of Belarusian prisons and penal colonies hold countless testimonies of the suffering of people who dared to raise their voices against the dictatorship. Their spirits are broken in confinement, and their bodies are tortured before the indifferent eyes of prison guards. Those who wear epaulets and issue orders for torture remain symbols of the regime’s impunity. But their time is coming to an end. For every scream, every drop of blood, and every broken life, they must be held accountable",  — stated Pavel Latushka , Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet and Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management (NAM). As early as 2023, NAM submitted to the EU a list of prison and colony leaders for inclusion in the sanctions list. Since then, some of them have already been subjected to European personal sanctions, and their names have been etched into the history of international disgrace: Andrei Palchyk  — a pathological sadist and former head of Novopolotsk Penal Colony No. 1, as well as Ruslan Mashadiev  — his deputy and now the new head of this colony; Yevgeny Bubich  — head of Penal Colony No. 2 in Bobruisk; Alexander Kornienko  — head of Penal Colony No. 17 in Shklov; Pavel Kazakov  — head of Prison No. 1 in Grodno, and Vasily Koleda  — his deputy; Viktor Dubrovka  — head of Penal Colony No. 11 in Volkovysk; Denis Tolstenkov  — head of Women’s Penal Colony No. 4 in Gomel; Andrei Tsedrik  — head of Pre-Trial Detention Center No. 1 in Minsk. Thanks to the efforts of the NAM team, the following individuals have already been placed on the international wanted list: Yevgeny Shapetko  — head of the Akrestina Detention Center; Gleb Dril  — deputy head of the Akrestina Detention Center; Dmitry Strebkov  — head of Prison No. 8 in Zhodino. The names of these individuals are already known to the world. However, many prison staff responsible for torture have, unfortunately, not yet been subjected to EU sanctions, but they may soon face restrictions as well, including: Vadim Murashko  — head of Penal Colony No. 13, a maximum-security facility in Hlybokaye, one of the strictest and most secretive colonies in Belarus, where politician Mikalai Statkevich  is held, as well as a political prisoner who was shot in the knees by security forces during his arrest; The Petrakovich Brothers : Sergei Petrakovich  — head of Penal Colony No. 9 in Horki, where Nobel Peace Prize laureate Ales Bialiatski  is imprisoned. Previously, this colony held an entrepreneur who ended up in detention straight from intensive care after being beaten by security forces following one of the Sunday marches, as well as a political prisoner from Kazakhstan and many others. Andrei Petrakovich  — head of the state-owned production enterprise “IK 9,” operating at the colony, where political prisoners are exploited under conditions that violate all safety norms and regulations. Staff of Pre-Trial Detention Center No. 1: Nikolai Mushkarov , Sergei Bereishik , and several other individuals responsible for crimes against innocent Belarusians. Why is this important? Every name on these lists represents a story of violence and pain. These individuals embody the lawlessness of a system that destroys the lives of thousands of Belarusians. But international sanctions are not just a punishment — they are a signal that their crimes will not go unanswered. This is a step toward justice, a step toward a future where no one can hide behind epaulets or a state position. "Each signature under a sanctions list is a blow to impunity and a step toward freedom for all those imprisoned for political reasons. Belarus will no longer be a place where torture remains in the shadows and sadists rule, believing they will never face retribution. The day will come when all these names are spoken in a courtroom, and none of them will be able to claim they did not know what they were doing. On December 16, we await the announcement of a new sanctions package, in which we hope to see as many regime enforcers as possible" , — emphasized Pavel Latushka.