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The social welfare state as the primary myth of the Lukashenko regime


Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Ambassador

Instead of assisting those in need, the regime focuses on providing jacuzzis and saunas for the dictator. Such characteristics exemplify the regime's approach to social policy. Despite regime propaganda claiming that Belarus is a socially oriented state, this definition has been nothing more than a propaganda tactic for many years. Today, we will shed light on how Belarus is moving away from social orientation and who benefits from this shift.

The Belarusian state finances social needs through the annual budget, which is adopted each year. Currently, the regime of an illegally empowered dictator is responsible for distributing this budget. The policy of budget distribution, primarily funded by our taxes —the taxes of Belarusians — clearly demonstrates Lukashenko's true priorities. This is the first point we will discuss today.

Let's examine the budget structure more closely. Part of Belarus' social spending includes allocations for healthcare, education, and social policy, totaling slightly over 7 billion rubles in 2024. These funds are intended to finance expenses, including assistance to vulnerable segments of the population. Now, let's compare this figure with some expenditures that are not directly related to the social sphere. For instance, more than 30 billion rubles have been collectively allocated for national activities, national defense, and the judicial and security system. This amounts to over four times the allocation for healthcare, education, and social policy.

Why does such an imbalance exist? Are Belarusians truly living so well that the main issues to be addressed revolve around the functioning of the state system and the security apparatus? This is a rhetorical question because the answer is obvious: Lukashenko's objectives do not lie in improving the well-being of the Belarusian people but solely in preserving his own illegally retained power, including through the use of force. Consequently, the majority of the state budget is allocated for these purposes.

This is the primary reason why Belarusians in dire circumstances, who require state support, receive assistance in smaller amounts. Let us consider the example of pensions for children with the most severe disabilities (4th degree of health loss). From February to April 2024, these payments amount to slightly over 440 Belarusian rubles (approximately 125 euros). Now, let's compare this with the salary of a police officer in the Minsk department of the Security Department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Belarus. The minimum salary for such a position starts at 2,000 rubles. Thus, the minimum salary of a police officer in Belarus is equivalent to four and a half pensions for children in the most severe disability group. This is despite the fact that employees of the Ministry of Internal Affairs enjoy various benefits and privileges, and despite the bloated nature of the power apparatus in Belarus. Can we genuinely consider this a socially oriented state?

At the same time, the regime continues to push the underfunded social sphere into a deep hole. A clear manifestation of this can be seen in the widespread elimination of non-governmental organizations after 2020, which is the second point we will focus on today. The unprecedented purge of the non-governmental sector since 2020 has impacted thousands of organizations, including charities and humanitarian ones. Many of them were actively involved in assisting the most vulnerable segments of the population, such as people with disabilities, serious illnesses, low-income individuals, and those without a fixed place of residence. By dismantling this sector, the regime has stripped away support from thousands of citizens who fall into these vulnerable categories.

The extent of the damage inflicted by the Lukashenko regime on vulnerable segments of the population is difficult to overstate. Take, for example, one of the largest liquidated organizations, the “Names” charity platform, which raised approximately $3 million for charitable purposes during its five years of operation. It received over 200,000 donations from individuals worldwide. With these funds, the platform financed around 40 projects implemented by 30 NGOs in Belarus, providing assistance to at least 50,000 people in need. Yes, at least 50,000 individuals who relied on this help.

What did the regime offer society in exchange for the dissolved humanitarian organizations? In reality, nothing substantial. Instead, the regime decided to take control of the charitable sector and consolidate funds for humanitarian needs into a single fund. In 2022, the Ministry of Justice registered the so-called Fund of the First President of the Republic of Belarus, which bears the same name, "Fund of the Prime One". Last autumn, the association of former Belarusian security officials, BELPOL, conducted an investigation into its activities. Of particular interest was its address — 15 Krasnoarmeyskaya Street in Minsk — where Lukashenko's residence, complete with a spa center, swimming pool, conference room, office, and bedroom, is located. Was this fund actually created to serve Lukashenko's personal needs? It's important to note that the registered residence is just one of at least 18 residences belonging to Lukashenko in Belarus and abroad — only the ones known to the public. A logical question arises: can one person sleep in 18 beds simultaneously? Why does he require so many residences? One might argue that they belong to the state, not him. However, in 2020, the Belarusian people made it clear that they do not wish to finance this. Every residence of Lukashenko, even if he doesn't spend the night there, requires protection, maintenance, cleaning, and landscaping. Just imagine the immense amount of money being wasted, all for the sake of providing Lukashenko with (soon, probably in every district) his own recreational residence. This places an enormous burden on the budget, which ultimately falls on us — the Belarusian taxpayers — because Lukashenko does not pay for it out of his own pocket. He claims to be the "poor" or "poorest" citizen of the country. It is the Belarusian people who foot the bill. Those who still contemplate supporting such an individual should seriously consider the cost and whether it is truly worth it.

Lukashenko's pension trap is another aspect of the state's lack of social responsibility. We, along with our parents and grandparents, who have contributed to the country's budget through taxes and completed our work experience, have the right to receive pensions from the state. It's important to understand that labor pensions are not a favor granted by Lukashenko, as he often claims. They are a rightful compensation that most countries around the world provide to their citizens who have reached retirement age.

Belarusians traveling in Europe often notice that many European tourists in cities like Paris, Rome, Prague, London, and others are of retirement age and have the means to travel the world. However, Belarusian pensioners travel much less frequently, if at all. One of the reasons behind this is the level of pensions received by Belarusian retirees. The pension system in Belarus operates as a distribution system, where the economically active population pays insurance contributions that are subsequently used to pay pensions. The average old-age pension in Belarus in 2023 was just over 700 rubles or approximately 200 euros.



Let's consider the situation in neighboring countries such as Lithuania and Latvia, which, like Belarus, are former Soviet Union countries and faced similar economic challenges after the collapse of the Soviet Union. What about pensions in these countries? The average pension in Lithuania is 575 euros or around 2,000 Belarusian rubles. In Latvia, the average pension is 527 euros or nearly 1,900 Belarusian rubles. In Poland, the average pension is about 670 euros or almost 2,400 Belarusian rubles. These figures represent the average amounts, not the maximum pensions. Do you also feel that these numbers highlight the cost of the Lukashenko regime for Belarusians? Moreover, as the working population leaves Belarus and the country's average age increases (already one of the highest among the member states of the Commonwealth of Independent States, having approached 42 years), we can only imagine the challenges that lie ahead, particularly regarding pension payments. Where will the funds come from if Lukashenko remains in power?

To be fair, it should be noted that costs for utilities and related services are higher in Poland, Lithuania, and Latvia — an argument often mentioned in propaganda. However, even accounting for these factors, the situation in neighboring countries appears much better than in Belarus. What could be the reason for such discrepancies? Perhaps it's because the leadership of those countries doesn't divert money from the budget to build multiple residences. Maybe their state policies are focused on improving the well-being of their people, and the governments are accountable to the citizens, unable to carry out the same level of theft as the Lukashenko regime does in Belarus. Could it be that Lukashenko's need for funds to maintain the so-called defense, but in reality, the security apparatus, is what drives him to constantly create threats in the region?

Lukashenko is an unparalleled liar in the history of Belarus. His propaganda aims to convince people that they have a good life without actually making their lives better. However, no matter how hard Lukashenko tries, objective factors reveal the true state of affairs. What we are discussing today is just a fraction of the myth surrounding the regime's claim of being a social state. We will undoubtedly address other aspects of this fabricated myth.

The propaganda of the Lukashenko regime continues to promote the notion that social policy is its priority. However, the regime's social policy only benefits one person — Lukashenko himself. He is the most expensive "recipient" of social assistance in Belarus. The state budget is focused on preserving his зpersonal power. This can only be halted by abolishing the regime in Belarus.



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