At the “New Belarus” conference, we signed a protocol on cooperation, one point of which predictably sparked reaction and discussion. Interestingly, among the first to respond were top regime propagandists and some "independent Russian media", such as SOTA.
The point in question is about recognising Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya's authority as the national leader until free and fair elections are conducted in Belarus or until she decides to resign from her position.
The anticipated reaction is: "You've created a dictatorship". Or a monarchy, depending on one's preference.
Well, let’s examine what we’ve built and why. And whether everything is really as scary as it is presented.
Let’s start by noting that the accusations of “dictatorship” or “monarchy” are, to put it mildly, detached from reality. These terms imply actual power, but no one in the democratic forces holds real power. This is an obvious fact. Over whom or what is the power? Where are its attributes? They do not exist because this is not a story about power within the democratic forces. This is a story about the struggle against Lukashenko’s regime. And for that, a systemic alternative is needed, along with its legitimate leadership.
The need for this leadership (not to be confused with real power, which, as we see, is not held by either Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya or the democratic institutions) is also linked to international support and the level of representation of the system we have built to fight against Lukashenko’s regime, which is unlawfully retaining power within the country. It is also crucial for lobbying support for this struggle on the international stage.
The higher our level of representation, the greater the support we receive. If we give up this representation and our role as a legitimate actor, then Lukashenko's regime becomes the only option, and recognition of it will follow. Eliminating the alternative, including Tsikhanouskaya, the Cabinet, and the Coordination Council, is precisely what he wants and what we must not allow if we want to defeat him.
When deciding to sign the cooperation protocol, the key democratic institutions were aware that it would be used against us and that there would be negative publicity consequences. However, we also understood that, ahead of Lukashenko's "elections", the issue of Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya’s "mandate" would become a central point of attack for regime propaganda and lobbyists aiming to dismantle the system of institutions we have established. This is precisely what is already happening. Nevertheless, we chose to sign the protocol in its current form because preserving and strengthening the alternative to the regime and maintaining its legitimacy are more important to us than gaining media points.
Lukashenko’s regime needs to understand that we are not going anywhere, and the alternative to his regime will not disappear or dissolve on its own while he remains in power. Free and fair elections will not be removed from the agenda and will remain on our list of demands. The page will not be turned until these demands are fulfilled.
But this does not mean we are not open to negotiations with him. We are. Our conditions are: the release of all political prisoners, the cessation of repressions, and a public statement from Lukashenko declaring that he will not run in the elections and will step down from his position as head of the Belarusian People’s Congress. In this case, we are also prepared to cease our political activities abroad and resume them within the framework of a free and fair democratic process inside Belarus.
Long live Belarus!
Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Ambassador
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